De ce pamphlet publié pour la première fois à Londres en 1870, probablement de manière clandestine, on ne sait presque rien. Auteur ? Date ? Le mystère reste entier.
Il nous apprend les formes du despotisme, des plus violentes aux plus insidieuses. Si pour le tyran "la société est une proie", il sait isoler, corrompre voire travestir son joug en liberté. La complicité, la nécessité ou la peur font le reste. Sidéré, on est saisi par ces fulgurances si actuelles :
"Il est plus facile d'organiser le silence que la liberté."
"Chacun sentant qu'il est tenu d'obéir, méprise chez les autres l'humiliation que lui-même il subit."
Avec le sentiment troublant de l'interdit, on se glisse dans ce texte brut qui bouillonne, esquissé furtivement par un esprit libre et révolté.
Le mot "néolibéralisme" renvoie assez souvent au Chili. Pour toute une génération, le traumatisme du coup d'Etat de 1973 ne met pas simplement fin au rêve porté par le président Salvador Allende, et à "la voie chilienne au socialisme" : l'intervention militaire enclenche aussi la mise en oeuvre de mesures néolibérales sur le continent latino-américain, et plus généralement à l'échelle mondiale. Mais de quoi parle-t-on lorsque l'on affirme que le Chili est un pays "néolibéral"? Depuis 40 ans, la question ne cesse d'alimenter réflexions et débats au sein des sciences sociales comme de la sphère publique (Des articles en Français et en Espagnol).
If there is therefore at least a lesson for Africans to logically draw from the formidable "OBAMA Saga", it is that African descendants, like Africans living on the continent, are not condemned to an eternal last position in all the classrooms of the world. The price to pay to transcend these false beliefs, this indolence and this fixed fatalism that characterizes many individuals and leaders of this continent, the cradle of humanity. Is faith in serious and rigorous work; rebirth of a real and firm confidence in the self, in Africa and in our abilities; recourse to a firm determination to surmount all obstacles in our way so as to develop a winning vision that had been previously defined and democratically accepted. It is not with self-flagellation and an inferiority complex in relation to other civilizations of the world that one could build the future of a proud, rich and prosperous Africa.
Ce numéro revient sur le mouvement des Indignés (ou M-15). Il regroupe les analyses, différentes voire divergentes, de théoriciens et d'acteurs du Mouvement, deux documents du M-15, et l'analyse de Toni Negri sur les composantes du mouvement et ses enjeux. Deux textes concernent la " jacquerie " de Londres et le mouvement d'occupation de Wall Street, deux autres entendent expliciter le sens de l'ensemble de ces mouvements sociaux au plan international. (Contributions en français, espagnol, italien).
Le général José Maria Mendes Norton de Mattos (1867-1955), militant républicain et responsable militaire pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, a été l'organisateur du Corps expéditionnaire portugais allié à la France. Opposant au gouvernement de Sidonio Pais (1917), il a été exilé à Londres. De retour au Portugal, il devint ambassadeur du Portugal à Londres. Candidat aux élections présidentielles de 1948, alors que le pays comptait déjà vingt-deux ans de dictature salazariste, Norton de Mattos a été le plus grand combattant électoral et le plus ferme contre Salazar et l'Etat Nouveau.
Le deuxième volume de la collection Devenir Humanitaire est consacré à la Transition humanitaire en Côte d'Ivoire. Il est le fruit de la rencontre d'universitaires, d'acteurs non gouvernementaux et d'institutionnels, réunis à Abidjan les 18 et 19 novembre 2015 par le Fonds Croix-Rouge française pour débattre sur leurs pratiques, sur les principes qui les soustendent et sur les enjeux plus larges qui se rapportent à l'humanitaire.
La première partie de l'ouvrage s'intéresse aux mutations touchant l'humanitaire ivoirien et la seconde se consacre à la maladie à virus Ebola, comme révélateur de certains enjeux humanitaires au niveau sous régional.
Soulignant la nécessité de prendre en compte les « visions du monde » des populations destinataires de l'aide, les contributions rassemblées dans ce volume soutiennent une réflexion sur le sens de l'humanitaire et sur ce qui peut accompagner ses transformations contemporaines.
"Comment voyez-vous l'Europe en 2030 ?" C'est à cette ambitieuse question lancée par le Conseil des Communes et Régions d'Europe (CCRE) que conseillers, maires, dirigeants locaux et régionaux des quatre coins de l'Europe répondent dans cet ouvrage. Chacun, tour à tour, à l'échelle de son territoire, partage sa vision de l'Europe de demain et propose les mesures qu'il considère à même de relancer le projet européen. Qui mieux que ces représentants à l'avant-garde des défis sociétaux, environnementaux ou économiques pour porter la voix des citoyens européens ?
"How do you see Europe in 2030?" This book gathers responses to this ambitious question, raised by the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR), from Councillors, Mayors, local and regional leaders from all over Europe. Each one, in turn, at the scale of their territory, shares a vision for the Europe of tomorrow and puts forward measures to relaunch the European project. Who better than these representatives at the forefront of societal, environmental and economic challenges to carry the voice of European citizens?
« Dr Besenyo has written a troubling, first-hand account of the remarkably complex and difficult operation the AU/UN peacekeeping effort was in Darfur. It should be read by policymakers who contemplate these operations in the future. » Andrex Natsios, Director at the Scowcroft Institute of International Affairs and Executive Professor
The "Ambazonian" Nightmare tells the story of how the now almost six years of instability started in the two English speaking regions of the Republic of Cameroon. The swiftly consolidating insecurity dilemma holds within two contradictory historical mistakes: the enforcement of the English speaking Cameroon's populations resentment of specificity and marginality and the paradoxical laxism of Cameroon's national security and defence system. Yet, the security system was not weak but negligent of the threat of an "Anglophone" revolutionary agenda and the challenge it was posing to the unity of the nation and the philosophy of national integration.
In April 2022, while Pakistan is getting bogged down in partisan chaos threatening to turn violent, an umpteenth crisis pits Prime Minister Khan against the opposition. Defeated by a vote of no confidence, the former national sports icon turned politician gave way with little grace to a 23rd head of government. But in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, a change of leader rarely rhymes with serenity... A quarter later, the governmental 'facelift' has had little effect on the myriad of ills precipitating this South Asian nation further towards the precipice, even though the regional environment (return of the Taliban to Afghanistan a year earlier) and the international context (shockwaves from the Russian invasion of Ukraine; exacerbation of China's strategic ambitions; pandemic of Covid) add considerably to the uncertainty.As Pakistan celebrates in 2022 its 75th anniversary, what does it have in store for its 226 million citizens, its neighbors, and the international community? This book proposes to nourish the readers' reflection on the 'Pakistani patient', and presents to the stakeholders some recommendations likely to keep the country away from the claws of chaos.
What are Islamic State is seeking to create a civil war in France; that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons; that Vladimir Putin is trying to destabilise our democracies; that terrorism has struck France, not for what it does, but for what it is; that the genocide in Darfur has claimed 400,000 victims... Literally none, but these assertions are enough to establish the foreign policy of Western countries.
The author, a former agent of the Swiss strategic intelligence service, reviews the main contemporary conflicts that Western countries have managed with fake news over the last thirty years.
Jacques Baud, a colonel, chemical and nuclear weapons expert, trained in counter-terrorism and counter-guerrilla warfare, designed the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) and its Information Management System for Mine Action (IMSMA). In the service of the United Nations, he served as Chief of Doctrine for Peacekeeping Operations in New York, and was engaged in Africa. In NATO, he led the fight against the proliferation of small arms. He is the author of several books on intelligence, asymmetric warfare and terrorism.
Few concepts are more central to the modern state and, at the same time, more difficult to define than the concepts of political parties, democracy, and elections. Based on primary, secondary, and alternative sources, the author nonetheless try to defy the odds and explain these concepts as clearly as possible in the context of Cameroon from 1948, the year in which the first political party (UPC) was created and went operational, to 2018, the year in which the last presidential elections took place. In this book, political parties are presented as central institutions of a modern democracy at different epochs. The characteristics and functions of parties, the basic elements of their organisation, their political and social context, as well as the problems of party democracy and the specific challenges faced by parties, besides proposed solutions from within the time frame, are the main issues.
For over three decades, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), which is the case study, has been one of the most notorious groups in Africa, causing devastating impacts in the Great Lakes Region. Here is a study sample for the application of the international relations (IR) theories of realism, transnationalism and functionalism. This step by step guide into countering and defeating terrorism in Africa takes into account the advancing of the scientific, academic, and political understanding of the various reasons behind radicalization.
Michel Innocent Peya has written this book inspired by his observations of a termite mound, from which he has extracted a myth about the choice between common sense and absolute power changeover. In essence, this is what has happened on the human scale in most countries when a charismatic leader is brutally removed from power. Libya, Iraq, the DRC, Egypt, Congo Brazzaville are all powerful examples of this plight.
Le 10 janvier 2017, dix jours avant de transmettre le pouvoir à son successeur, Donald Trump, Barack Obama prononce son discours d'adieu aux Américains. D'abord, le président y dresse un bilan de son mandat : relance de l'économie, création d'emplois, Obamacare... Ensuite, le président insiste sur la défense de la démocratie américaine. Trois menaces pèsent sur le pays : les inégalités, la fragilité des institutions et celle de l'Etat de droit, des droits de l'homme ou encore des libertés. A Chicago, Barack Obama livre son testament politique.
Thirty-two years after his assassination, Thomas Sankara's name remains appealing throughout Africa and beyond. The revolutionary leader's legacy consists of a call to unity, selfconfidence and good governance. To the world's leaders, Sankara's concern for the less advantaged might serve as a reminder that sacrifi ce to humanity is a yardstick for assessing good leadership. Looking back at Sankara's dynamic and visionary presidency, might his revolutionary spirit be relevant to Burkina Faso and to the African continent today as it was then ?
The headlong rush of the European Union (EU) in Free Trade Agreements reaches the paroxysm of absurdity when it imposes them on West Africa, whose per capita GDP is 21 times lower than its own. This Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) would make West Africa lose 76% of its customs revenue on its imports from the EU and lead to a sharp rise in unemployment due to the loss of competitiveness of its companies including the informal sectors.The latter will be worsened by the premature signing, with support from the EU, of the Continental Free Trade Area by 13 of 16 West African States, all this based on a number of untruths from the European Commission, as identified in this book.
The positive role of ECOWAS and its military-security arm ECOMOG in bringing to an end the decade-long bloody civil war in Sierra Leone, restoring democratic governance and the rule of law, has brought to the fore the value, legitimacy and impact of regional integration and co-operation in West Africa. Insimple terms, ECOWAS and ECOMOG are widely (though not universally) acclaimed as ""saviours"" and ""heroes"" in Sierra Leone. But despite this popular acclaim, no serious effort has been made by researchers, political actors, policy practitioners or regional leaders to engage, on a long-term basis, with how regional integration could be used as an engine of national and regional development, faced with the opportunities and challenges of contemporary globalisation; how to identify the critical everyday issues that affect the human and societal security of the local populace; or how to use the regional integration processes to find solutions to the myriad problems faced on a daily basis by people of the sub-region. Infact, as Sierra Leone celebrates the 50th anniversary of political independence from British colonial rule, there is a noticeable absence of any focus on ECOWAS and West African integration and co-operation by the political leaders and academic community.
The general lack of policy dialogue and critical engagement among researchers, political actors, policy practitioners and regional leaders has made it difficult, if not impossible, for rigorous evidence-based research to influence policy on the West African integration processes. Under the auspices of UNESCO's Management of Social Transformations (MOSn Programme, a series of multidisciplinary seminars took place in each of the fifteen ECOWAS states to foster dialogue between resear chers and political, economic, and social decision-makers for a better understanding of the issues at stake. This book is the result of one such seminar, and of a series of separately commissioned papers by Sierra Leonean researchers from diverse disciplinary backgrounds. Edited by Professor David Francis, Professor of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, it is based on extensive field research over a number of years, the assessment of primary source and secondary materials relating to ECOWAS integration, as well as to Sierra Leone's foreign, security and development policy approach to regional integration and cooperation.
This book features the testimony of a humanitarian worker who witnessed the aftermaths of war: Dandi Lou saw danger coming and tried to thwart it from exploding in Côte d'Ivoire, preaching peace to all the political leaders of her country and those who claimed to be heirs of late President Houphouet-Boigny. Yet, it did not save the country from burning since these leaders found nothing better than make fun of her. Called "the cry baby", she decided to write this book to yearn for peace and a renewed and united country, land of opportunities and welfare for all the Ivorian people.
Le Conseil de l'Europe, institution créée en 1949, rassemble 47 pays et ne dépend pas de l'Union européenne. Sa vocation politique a été dynamisée par la désagrégation de l'Europe communiste. Il promeut des Ecoles politiques ou Ecoles de la démocratie qui suscitent des cycles de rencontre et de formation de jeunes acteurs politiques et animateurs de la société civile dans les seize pays, des Balkans au Caucase. (Des articles en français et en anglais).
The implementation of a system of economic, social and linguistic domination on the French part of Saint-Martin as of 1977 irremediably transformed the islanders' peaceful lifestyle and quality of life. The island became a type of Eldorado in which the world of business, drugs, illegality, criminality and all kinds of trafficking unfortunately prevailed. The natives are almost eliminated from the social and economic structure, and their Caribbean culture is stifled.
Sir Michael Quinlan was one of the most distinguished European strategic thinkers of the recent decades, who passed away in March 2009. His influence on Western strategic thinking was profound. American, British and French analysts were asked to discuss some of the most important issues of our time, in particular on nuclear policy matters, in the light of Sir Michael's thinking. The resulting volume is a testimony of the enduring intellectual legacy of Michael Quinlan.
En Afrique s'est installée la culture du pouvoir personnel et égoïste. Ainsi des groupes d'intérêt s'imposent, fondant l'autorité de l'Etat sur la force, abandonnant les nobles objectifs républicains, cultivant la corruption. Avec le Contrat républicain on va vivre et revivre les comportements républicains et démocratiques ; mettre en avant, par les institutions et les individus, les objectifs communs, d'intérêt général, en vue du bonheur de chaque personne et de tout le monde.
En partant de la nouvelle rhétorique de la politique extérieure turque de l'actuel gouvernement, ce double numéro tentera d'explorer les nouveaux paradigmes de la politique extérieure turque, ainsi que les atouts et les défis résultant de ceux-ci.
